US-Middle East Relations

Op-Ed

2008-05-30T14:25:00.001+03:00

I have an op-ed in the New York Sun, on revelations from the LBJ tapes and Israel's role in the current presidential election.

Take Home

2008-05-25T14:18:00.001+03:00

Basic requirements: Pen an elegant, yet concise, 7-8 page typewritten response to one of the exciting questions from each section below. Answers should: (a) present a compelling argument; (b) use at least three or four specific historical examples; and (c) cite material from the readings and/or the presentations, as relevant.

Due, via email to me, by 15 June. If you need more time, just let me know.

Section One. Choose one of two:

1.) In a recent interview with Atlantic’s Jeffrey Goldberg, Barack Obama asserted that the unresolved Israeli-Palestinian conflict “infect[s] all of our foreign policy” in the region. Leaving aside the word choice, to what extent do you agree with Obama’s analysis? Can and should historians view U.S. relations with the Middle East since 1967 as dominated by the effects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?

2.) How much did the Cold War affect the U.S. approach to the Middle East? Discuss by comparing U.S. policy toward the region during either the first twenty (1947-1967) or the last twenty (1967-1987) years of the Cold War with U.S. policy toward the region since the end of the Cold War (since 1989, in other words).

Section Two. Choose one of two:

1.) Revisionist scholars speak frequently of the legacy of “Western imperialism” affecting the Middle East. To what extent should the United States be viewed as a “Western” power—i.e., to what extent have U.S. interests and policies toward the region since 1800 coincided with those of Britain, France, or other European powers? Be sure to include material from both before and after 1930 in your response.

2.) Frank Ninkovich, one of the country’s leading diplomatic historians, has described the 20^th century as the “Wilsonian Century.” To what extent is his approach correct? Define Wilsonian ideals as they applied to the Middle East, and then analyze the issue by discussing U.S. policy toward the region in the 20^th century. Be sure to include material from both before and after World War II in your response.

The Besieged LBJ and Israel

2008-05-22T15:57:00.001+03:00

On May 1, the LBJ Library released the recordings from the first four months of 1968--which include items on Tet and the President's decision not to run for re-election. One of the newly released items features Johnson chatting with UN ambassador Arthur Goldberg, one week before LBJ announced his withdrawal from the 1968 election. The ostensible subject matter was a UN resolution condemning Israel, after a retaliatory raid against a Palestinian terrorist attack from Jordan. But LBJ then suggests his growing political isolation has made him more sympathetic to Israel, and reaffirms his support for Israel in rather earthy terms.

ARTHUR GOLDBERG: Of course, the poor King [Hussein] is in a hell of a box. His throat is in the . . . is there all the time.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: Yeah, I feel sorry—

GOLDBERG: There isn’t a hell of a lot more that he can do than what he’s been doing.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I feel sorry for him. Although I thought he sent us kind of a mean wire—

GOLDBERG: Yes—

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: It was unnecessary.

GOLDBERG: Yes. Yes. I feel sorry for him.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I lost—I felt sorry for him, but I lost a little of my sympathy with his reply to my wire the other night, asking him to . . .

GOLDBERG: Yeah. Yes. Well, you know, they—

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: You saw my wire and his reply, didn’t you?

GOLDBERG: No, I did not see that.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: Well, when they [the State Department] sent the wire, they told Israel that this was disastrous.

GOLDBERG: Uh-huh.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: It was pretty strong. I cut out a word or two of their mean wire to ‘em. I said, “Are we wiring Jordan to watch them to watch these terrorist activities?” They said no. I said, “Well, why not?” Well, they didn’t—this and that. I said, “Let’s just send them both a wire? If you’re going to wire one of them, let’s send them both a wire.”

So they sent them a wire. Eshkol came back with two pages, and said they’re bombing his kids, and they were doing all these other things, and everything’s provocative. He didn’t—he didn’t justify what he’d done, but he at least explained what motivated him.

GOLDBERG: Yeah.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: And was pretty reasoning to me.

And the goddamn King wired me back and said, “Go to hell.”

GOLDBERG: Really?

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: Yeah.

GOLDBERG: Well, you know the Arabs are impossible down here. I have to have the patience of a saint to deal with them. They always keep referring to our domestic events.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: [softly] Mm.

GOLDBERG: And I have to slap ‘em down. They’re . . . a terribly emotional bunch.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: You’re the only man I know that’s got as mean a type of assignment as I have. And I don’t know how you do it as well as you do. I just honestly don’t.

But . . . I sure as hell want to be careful, and not run out on little Israel.

GOLDBERG: Yeah.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: If they—because they haven’t got many friends in the world.

GOLDBERG: I know they haven’t.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: They’re in about the same shape I am. And the closer I got—I face adversity, the closer I get to them.

GOLDBERG: Yeah.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: Because I got a bunch of Arabs after me—about a hundred million of ‘em, and there’s just two million of us. [Chuckles; Goldberg joins in.] So I can understand them a little bit.

GOLDBERG: I—

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: And I don’t want—there’s nobody fussing at me, nobody raising hell with me. Nobody, not one human’s called me about it.

I just . . . my State Department, sometimes—I just want to be damn sure that I don’t wind up here getting in the shape Eisenhower did, where I want to put sanctions on ‘em—

GOLDBERG: Well, we’re never going to put sanctions on—

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: The only people they got in the world, that they got faith in, I think, [i]s me and you. I was down there at the ranch, and I looked at ‘em, and I . . .

They don’t know when they’re going to be run over; they don’t know when they’re going to die; they don’t know when those goddamn Russians are going to come in there. They don’t know anything.

And the only thing they got is a little hope, and a prayer, and a wing . . . for me, if my heart keeps beating. And I don’t want ‘em to look back and say, “Well, he got to limber tail, and he ran,” and so forth.

Now, I’ve been hard and tough with them. I haven’t given them their Phantoms.

GOLDBERG: Yeah.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I haven’t done this or that. But I just—I’m damn sure going to give them to ‘em, because I want the Russians to quit arming, and agree to file up there [at the UN] with you-all what they do arm, and they cut back on their ABM.

And if they’re not going to do any of it, and they’re going to continue to pour arms in there, I want to make them take the consequences of their actions—and I’m going to stick it up of Israel’s bottom just as much as I’ve got.

GOLDBERG: Amen to that.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: Well, that’s what I’m going to do.

GOLDBERG: Yeah, well—

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I didn’t tell them [the Israelis] that. I just told them I wasn’t going to—

GOLDBERG: No, no—

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I wasn’t going to be responsible. But that’s what I’m going to do!

GOLDBERG: Right.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I said, “You don’t need to worry if they [the Soviets] keep arming them [the Arabs]. I’m not going to let you just stay there and let you get eaten up, like the little boy that the calf was playing with. And his daddy walked out and saw him, and caught him. And he said, ‘Bobby, you just going to stay there, and let the calf eat me up?’” [The President chuckles.]

GOLDBERG: Mm-hmm. Well, there you’re absolutely, a thousand percent right.

Conference Program

2008-05-22T15:50:00.000+03:00

Sunday, 25.5

14:00-14:30 Welcoming and Opening Remarks

Mordechai Tamarkin, Head, The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research

Zvi Shtauber, Director, The Institute for National Security Studies

Dany Leviatan, Rector, Tel Aviv University

14:30-16:00 Session I

Introduction: Theoretical Perspectives

Chairperson - David Vital (Tel Aviv University)

Janice Gross Stein (University of Toronto)

From a Bipolar World to a Unipolar One: International Efforts to Resolve Local Conflicts

Rajan Menon (Lehigh University)

'The Responsibility to Protect': An Idea Worth Considering for Managing Local Conflict?

Yossi Beilin (Knesset Member)

The Interface between Academia and Practice in the Context of Conflict Resolution

16:00-16:30 Coffee break

16:30-18:00 Session II

The Cold War and the Arab-Israeli Conflict

Chairperson – Gabriel Gorodetsky (Tel Aviv University)

Galia Golan (The Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya)

The Soviet Union and the Efforts to Resolve the Arab-Israeli Conflict

Avraham Ben-Zvi (The University of Haifa)

Between Comprehensiveness and Step-by-Step: Rogers, Kissinger, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict

Kenneth W. Stein (Emory University)

The Carter Administration: From a Comprehensive Peace to a Separate One

Monday, 26.5

09:30-11:00 Session III

From the Cold War to a New World Order: The Middle East, 1980-2007

Chairperson – Arnon Gutfeld (Tel Aviv University)

Robert David (KC) Johnson (Brooklyn College)

The Reagan-Bush Administrations and the Middle East

Shibley Telhami (University of Maryland)

The Clinton Administration and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

Robert Lieber (Georgetown University)

The George W. Bush Administration and the Middle East

11:00-11:30 Coffee break

11:30-13:30 Session IV

The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in the Web of Regional and International Politics:

Local Perspectives

Chairperson – Shimon Shamir (Tel Aviv University)

Samir Hulileh (Portland Trust)

In Search for Peace and Justice: A Palestinian Perspective Towards the Role of the International Community

Yehuda Ben Meir (The Institute for National Security Studies)

Israeli Perspective

Shlomo Brom (The Institute for National Security Studies)

Managing the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Local Actors' Response to International Policing

Yossi Kostiner (Tel Aviv University)

Mediation by Local Powers: Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process

13:00-15:00 Lunch break

15:00-16:30 Session V

Europe and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict in the Aftermath of the Cold War

Chairperson – Uzi Eilam (The Institute for National Security Studies)

Ron Pundak (Peres Center for Peace)

Norway and the Oslo Agreement

Jean-Pierre Filiu (Sciences Po, Paris)

Reflections on French Experiences in the Middle East

Georg Simonis (Fern Universität, Hagen)

The EU and its Efforts to Resolve the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict

16:30-17:00 Coffee break

17:00-19:00 Session VI

Diplomatic Round-Table

Chairperson - Zvi Shtauber (former Israeli Ambassador in London)

Itamar Rabinovich (former Israeli Ambassador in Washington)

Saeb Erakat (chief Palestinian negotiator)

Daniel C. Kurtzer (former US Ambassador in Cairo and Tel Aviv)

Tuesday, 27.5

09:30-11:00 Session VII

Conflict-Resolution Efforts in Post-Cold War Europe

Chairperson - Rafi Vago (Tel Aviv University)

James Gow (King's College, London)

International Engagement and the Yugoslav War of Dissolution

Dimitri Trenin (Carnegie Foundation, Moscow)

Conflicts in Russia's Neighbourhood: From Situation-Freezing to Dispute-Resolution

Adrian Guelke (Queen's University of Belfast)

External Mediation and Internal Ownership – The Belfast and St. Andrews Agreements Compared

11:00-11:30 Coffee break

11:30-13:30 Session VIII

Peace-Keeping Operations

Chairperson – Kobi Michael (The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies)

Efrat Elron (Hebrew University, Jerusalem)

The Evolution of Peace Operations: From the Cold War to the Global Era

Stefan Wolff (University of Nottingham)

European Union Crisis Management in the Western Balkans: Policy Objectives, Capabilities and Effectiveness

Chen Kertcher (Tel Aviv University)

Same Agenda, Different Results: the UN peacekeeping in Cambodia and Somalia

Udi Dekel (Former C.O. Liaison Unit & Head of Strategic Division)

The Effectiveness of Peace-Keeping Forces: The Israeli Experience

13:00-15:00 Lunch break

15:00-16:30 Session IX

Military Intervention and Democratization: Global Order and the Radical Islamist Challenge

Chairperson - Bruce Maddy-Weitzman (The Moshe Dayan Center, Tel Aviv University)

Marvin G. Weinbaum (Middle East Institute, Washington. D.C.)

Lost Faith, Forfeited Trust: Afghan Responses to Post-9/11 International Intervention

in State-Building and Insurgency

Michael Eisenstadt (The Washington Institute for Near East Policy)

Military Intervention, Political Violence and Transitional Democratic Politics in Iraq

Eyal Zisser (The Moshe Dayan Center, Tel Aviv University)

Military Intervention and Democratization: Global Order and the Radical Islamic Challenge in Lebanon

16:30-17:00 Coffee break

17:00-18:30 Concluding Session

Chairperson - Eyal Zisser, Director, The Moshe Dayan Center, Tel Aviv University

Daniel C. Kurtzer (Princeton University)

Rajan Menon (Lehigh University)

LBJ & Israel Tapes

2008-05-06T18:43:00.003+03:00

McGeorge Bundy--Track One

Abe Feinberg--Track Two

Dean Rusk--Track Three

Abraham Ribicoff--Track Four

Arthur Goldberg--Track Five

Dean Rusk--Track Six

Walt Rostow--Track Seven

Bill Fulbright--Track Eight

Dwight Eisenhower--Track Nine

Dwight Eisenhower--Track Ten

Everett Dirksen--Track Eleven

Bill Fulbright--Track 12

Russell Long--Track 13

Arthur Goldberg--Track 14

Everett Dirksen--Track 15

Arthur Goldberg--Track 16

Gale McGee--Track 17

May 5 Notes

2008-05-05T14:28:00.001+03:00

U.S. and the Middle East

Beyond 2002

May 5, 2008

I. Road to 9/11

1. 2000 (Clinton foreign and domestic struggles; administration divisions; election)

2. Early Bush (Powell/Rice/Rumsfeld; role of Tenet & Mineta; bureaucratic divisions; Cheney?)

3. After 9/11 (9/11 and Saddam; U.S. and Northern Alliance; revising Musharraf relationship; Karzai solution)

II. Path to War

1. Domestic Response to 9/11 (Guantánamo and constitutional theories; failure to capture bin Laden; Patriot Act and civil liberties; Yoo and unitary executive theory; Lieberman and Homeland Security Department; Rove and political issues—Chambliss/Cleland race)

2. Run-up (sanctions and international diplomacy; Clinton and Iraq Liberation Act; significant obstacles: Shinseki; Turks and Kurdistan; French/German hostility; role of Eastern Europe; Iranian question; Blix and lack of WMD)

3. Rationale (schisms between Old Bush and New Bush; rationales: Tenet, Powell, and WMDs; neocons and democracy; Rumsfeld as test case; Cheney and Chalabi, Office of Special Plans and undoing excesses of 1970s; Rice)

4. National Response (New York Times and flawed coverage; role of Pincus and Hersh; divisions among Democrats; significance of Powell)

III. War & Consequences

1. Conflict (“Coalition of the Willing”: significance of Turkish refusal, role of Eastern Europe; Iranian question; from WMD’s and Republican Guard to fedayeen—Franks’ difficulty in adjusting; embedding press and U.S. public opinion)

2. Aftermath of War (looting; lessons of Balkans vs. Bush hostility to Clinton policies & Rumsfeld drawn-down approach; Wolfowitz and lack of contingency planning; Tommy Franks; difficulties of fedayeen; did a chance of success exist?)

3. Difficulties of Nation-Building (Garner, Franks, and start of insurgency; Garner/Bremer dispute and De-Baathification; Bremer qualifications; Moqtadr al-Sadr, Abu Ghraib: who’s in charge?; gap between abstraction and policy outcomes)

4. War on the Home Front (anti-European sentiment; superficial regional knowledge; Rove and domestic politics: “mission accomplished” banner; Democratic divisions—Dean vs. Kerry; Plame leak and calls for special prosecutor; administration response; response of the press; Iraq and 2004 elections; failed search for WMD’s)

5. Beyond Iraq (Iran: from Axis of Evil speech to confrontation over nuclear weapons; Saudi Arabia: limits of friendship?; Israel: U.S. and the Lebanon war; road to Annapolis; Syria: congressional engagement—Pelosi, Specter—vs. administration stand-offishness; Turkey: containing the Kurds and Islamist movement; Egypt: foreign aid and leverage; Afghanistan: limits of U.S. leverage?; fringes of region—Pakistan, Somalia; cultural diplomacy: lessons of Al-Jazeera)

April 30 Notes

2008-04-30T14:27:00.000+03:00

U.S. and the Middle East

Road to 9/11

April 30, 2008

I. Clinton and the Middle East

1. Inheriting Bush Difficulties (foreign policy and the 1992 campaign; ineffective early advisors; Somalia, Bosnia, 1994)

2. Terrorism (first WTC bombing: State/DOD, Reno, Clarke, road to Khobar Towers)

3. Taliban & Al Qaeda (US and Afghan civil war; Saudis, Pakistanis, and UNOCAL; second-term distractions: Starr, Kosovo, Pakistani issues)

II. 2000

1. Clinton’s Struggles (domestic context: Starr inquiry, movement toward impeachment, partisan polarization; international context: Kosovo conflict and constitutional showdown, Pakistani issues, terrorism)

2. Administration Divisions (Taliban as potential allies against bin Laden, or clear enemies [Richardson/State vs. Clarke]; assassination acceptable [DOD/Clarke/CIA vs. Justice Department]; Taliban as ideological or strategic enemies [Hillary vs. Clarke]; problem overstated? fizzling of Millennium threats, then USS Cole—Yemeni port scheme, futility of Clinton response, US as “paper tiger”?)

3. Arab-Israeli Peace Process (Oslo and U.S. disengagement; Rabin assassination and emergence of Netanyahu; Clinton, Netanyahu, and the Palestinians; Barak and re-engagement—legacy issue; U.S. and Syria; failure at Camp David; blame game)

4. Election (terrorism and campaign: Bush and Rice, strong hostility to “nation-building”; Republican right—1990s literature on missile shields, North Korea, evil states—looking backwards; neocon arguments on democracy; Gore—difficulties with Clinton, Reno and Elian Gonzalez affair, downplay foreign policy?)

III. 9/11 and Beyond

1. Early Bush (foreign policy team—weakness of Powell, role of Rice, Rumsfeld death watch?—former cheney aide—Career Pentagon officials "fear they're shackled to incompetence”—talk of libs saving Rumsfeld, retaining Tenet; Clarke and bureaucratic battles; warnings from the field—Arizona, Minnesota; weaknesses in airport security—airline industry, consumer groups, fear of federal power; PDB; path to attacks)

2. International Response (Bush/Rumsfeld, Clarke, and Saddam?; significance of Tenet; NATO and international support; U.S. and Northern Alliance; revising Musharraf relationship; decision for war; ousting the Taliban, bolstering Karzai; Guantánamo and constitutional theories; failure to capture bin Laden)

3. Domestic Response (Patriot Act and civil liberties; Yoo and unitary executive theory; Lieberman and Homeland Security Department; Rove and political issues—Chambliss/Cleland race)

April 28 Notes

2008-04-27T20:54:00.000+03:00

Bill Clinton & Middle Eastern Affairs

April 28, 2008

I. The First Gulf War

1. The Middle East in the New World Order (Gorbachev and crumbling of Soviet bloc; Gorbachev foreign policy; Bush and world affairs; NSD 26)

2. Run-up to the War (1989-1990 congressional pressure; international significance: Saudis, Kuwaitis, British; Bush, Baker, and coalition: USSR, PRC, Arab states, UN)

3. War & Aftermath (constitutional debate; military strategy; collapse of Iraqi forces; postwar structure; missed opportunity?)

II. From Bush to Clinton

1. 1992 Campaign (domestic focus: budget deal, economic downturn, “Year of the Woman”: Thomas/Hill hearings, abortion; scandal and reform: House bank scandal, term-limits movement, Clinton scandal, Perot—withdrawal and re-entry; foreign policy and the decline of Afghanistan; Clinton victory)

2. Inheriting Bush Difficulties (foreign policy team—Christopher, Aspin, Lake: Carter retreads?; national security difficulties—CIA and Woolsey; DADT and military; Somalia—from humanitarian to mission creep, withdrawal; Bosnia and opening to Muslim world?: tensions with NATO allies, congressional pressure—McCloskey, Dole, road to Dayton; early team struggles—Hillary, Whitewater, path to Starr, 1994 elections)

III. The Clinton Agenda

1. Arab-Israeli Peace Process (Oslo and U.S. disengagement; Rabin assassination and emergence of Netanyahu; Clinton, Netanyahu, and the Palestinians; Barak and re-engagement—legacy issue; U.S. and Syria; failure at Camp David; blame game)

2. Terrorism (first WTC bombing: improper frameworks? State-sponsored terrorism—Libya, Iran; law enforcement—legacy of 1960s, COINTELPRO, Watergate and concerns with domestic spying, Gorelick memo; Clarke and Counter-Terrorism Committee (“think globally, act globally”)—calls for focus on “ad hoc terrorists”; Yousef arrest and uncovering of airport plots; diplomatic reluctance to challenge Saudi Arabia—Khobar Towers)

3. The Taliban (Afghan civil war—State, DOD, CIA disinterest; emergence of Mullah Omar; Saudi and Pakistani roles; oil UNOCAL and desire for stability)

4. Second-Term Struggles (domestic context: Starr inquiry, movement toward impeachment, partisan polarization; international context: Kosovo conflict and constitutional showdown, Pakistani issues—nuclear weapons, restoration of democracy; terrorism—East African attacks; administration divisions: Clinton desire to do something; Hillary and international feminism; State Department and “engagement”; DOD and Mullah Omar’s 53 stingers; Richardson and diplomatic opening; CIA and anti-Taliban covert op; Clarke and targeting of Bin Laden; Reno and opposition to assassination; problem overstated?: fizzling of Millennium threats, then USS Cole)

April 30: Lecture: Road to 9/11 May 5: Lecture: Afghanistan & Iraq

May 7: no class—college holiday May 12: Lecture: Looking Back

May 14: Presentation: Syria/Lebanon May 19: Presentation: S. Arabia & Gulf States

May 21: Presentation: Israel May 26: Presentation: Pakistan

May 28: no class (I have a talk at Western Galilee)

June 2: Presentation: Egypt & North Africa June 4: Presentation: Iran

April 9 Notes

2008-04-08T22:16:00.000+03:00

U.S. and the Middle East

The First President Bush

April 9, 2008

I. Reagan and Southwest Asia

1. The Iran-Iraq War (from CENTCOM to pro-Saddam tilt; the Tanker War and reflagging decision; US and Gulf States)

2. Casey & Wilson (Reagan and cult of covert operations; Wilson and ability to maneuver Congress)

3. Victory and Its Effects (CIA/Saudi/ISI alliance; significance of stingers; missed opportunities?)

II. The End of the Cold War and the Revival of Middle East Tensions

1. The Cold War Ends (Gorbachev and crumbling of Soviet bloc—perestroika, glasnost; Eastern bloc strategies of survival; economics, Solidarity, and Poland; Hungary and DDR; collapse of East Germany and reunification; importance of the Baltic States and emergence of Yeltsin; dissolution of USSR)

2. The Middle East in the New World Order (Gorbachev foreign policy; PRC and Tiananmen; Saddam after the Iraq war; Bush background—political difficulties, Panama invasion; Bush and Shamir; NSD 26; Bush and the Saudis; Khomeini’s death and Iran’s turn inward)

3. Afghanistan in the New World Order (media role; Wilson and continued push for aid; ISI and Kashmir; Najibullah and desire for national unity government—Bush, Wilson, Pakistan rejection; Bush I: bureaucratic divisions, global distractions; what could US have done differently?—question of leverage)

III. The Gulf War

1. Run-up to the Invasion (Iraq and NSD 26; Congress: Dole, Simpson, and aid, Metzenbaum and human rights, Gonzales, Kerry, and BNL; Justice Department; Kuwait dispute: diplomatic failure?, trusting Saudis; US intelligence failure?)

2. Run-up to the War (Bush, Thatcher, and decision to protest; significance of Saudis; Kuwaitis and U.S. public opinion; Bush and international coalition—role of Arab states; role of UN—significance of Shevardnadze, realism and the relationship with PRC, path to UN 678)

3. Domestic Matters (domestic difficulties: Bush, taxes, and 1988 campaign; deficit, interest rate, and economic slowdown; Darman and budget deal; emergence of Gingrich; Bush and Mitchell: congressional Democrats and post-Cold War world; 1990 elections; Bush and UN argument; congressional pressure; Senate debate; Baker-Aziz meeting)

4. War & Aftermath (decision for war and operation of coalition military strategies—air campaign, effect of Vietnam; diplomatic strategies—importance of Israel, Scuds and Palestinians; media and the war—CNN, Scud Stud; invasion and Powell Doctrine; no-fly zones and Bush response; UN sanctions and WMDs)

April 2 Notes

2008-04-01T22:10:00.001+03:00

The Reagan Agenda

April 2, 2008

I. The Carter Years
1. Carter and the Middle East Peace Process (Sadat and Begin; nature of settlement; limited political benefits)

2. The Iranian Revolution (US intelligence failure; death of regime; hostages and “rescue mission”; crisis and its effects)

3. The Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan (Brezhnev Doctrine and invasion; origins of mujahadin)

II. Documents of U.S. Foreign Policy

1. FRUS (Seward and government openness; development of 30-year rule; post-WWII bureaucratization and State Dept. Historian’s Office; pre-1961: http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/FRUS/; post-1961: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/)

2. Other Sources (FDR and development of presidential library system; Watergate and presidential papers; FOIA and foreign policy; National Security Archive: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/)

3. Approaches to Field (journalists and independent scholars; diplomatic history; theory, public policy, and political science)

III. Reagan and the Middle East

1. The Reagan Team (election of 1980 and altered American political culture; growth of defense budget; importance of William Casey, Haig, Kirkpatrick; nomination of Lefever; Weinberger; increasing importance of NSC)

2. AWACS (Big Oil and Saudi alliance; altered strategic situation—Iran/Iraq war; Yemen, Ethiopia, Sadat assassination; Reagan and confronting Congress; Israel Lobby and House rejection; significance of Jepsen; final Senate vote)

IV. Iran-Contra

1. Lebanon and Iran (Reagan and international terrorism; Israeli invasion of Lebanon; US troops to Lebanon: War Powers Act and Hezbollah terrorist attack; hostages and US response; search for the Iran “moderates”; role of NSC; diversion of funds to contras)

2. The Scandal Breaks (Hasenfus and crash; from Lebanon to Washington; Meese investigation; Tower Committee; what was Reagan’s role? Bush’s; Inouye Committee and North as GOP folk hero)

Year	Defense budget	Year	Defense budget
1977	$97.2B	1979	$116.3B
1980	$134.0B	1981	$157.5B
1982	$185.3B	1983	$209.9B
1984	$227.4B	1985	$252.8B

March 31 Notes

2008-03-30T23:12:00.000+03:00

The Carter Years

March 31, 2008

I. Transforming Middle East International Relations
1. The War (Nixon, Sadat, and realpolitik; nature of war Kissinger, Nixon, and constitutional crisis)

2. Postwar Arab Diplomacy (origins of OPEC diplomacy and transformation of Middle East—strains in European alliance)

3. The Eagleton Amendment and Its Effects (Turkish invasion of Cyprus, new internationalists, and Greek Lobby; reaction and view of erratic congressional power)

II. Human Rights Diplomacy

1. From Ford to Carter (Ford transition; attacks on Kissingerian foreign policy: Jackson and neoconservative critique of détente, Reagan and conservative critique of détente; Ford political readjustments and effect on Middle East peace process; Carter bid: Iowa & New Hampshire, anti-Washington appeal, weaknesses of major rivals; campaign and Ford revival; Carter victory; foreign policy apparatus—Vance, Brzezinski, Derian)

2. Carter and the Middle East Matters (energy policy and attempt to weaken OPEC; leadership problems and Democratic divisions; failure; Egypt-Israeli peace process: reviving Kissinger’s agenda; Sadat and realpolitik; Meir, Rabin, and collapse of Labor; Begin victory; nature of settlement; limited political benefits—Panama Canal Treaties, 1978 elections)

III. The Collapse of Carter’s Regional Policy

1. The Iranian Revolution (Carter and the Shah; Derian and foreign aid; weakening of Shah; US intelligence failure—trapped in the 1950s?; death of regime; second oil shock; from Bani-Sadr to Khomeini; hostages and American popular culture; “rescue mission” and resignation of Vance; crisis and its effects)

2. The Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan (great game and Afghanistan’s role in regional affairs; from Zahir Shah to 1978 coup; assassination of Amin and Soviet intervention; changing international context—Saudi Arabia, Iran, Pakistan; Carter administration response—failure of intelligence analysis, doves, SALT, and wishful thinking?, role of Brzezinski and origins of covert campaign; international response—role of UN, India, 1980 Moscow Olympics; initial Soviet successes)

3. The Path to CENTCOM (strategic shift: hostage crisis, Afghan invasion, and path to “Carter Doctrine”; Carter indecision, bureaucratic rivalries within military; early 1980s decisions; importance of Diego Garcia; Cold War framework)

March 26 Notes

2008-03-25T20:25:00.000+02:00

U.S. and the Middle East

Transforming Middle East International Relations

March 26, 2008

I. The Nixon Effect
1. New Regional Structure? (détente and opening to PRC; openings to Iran, Pakistan)

2. Bureaucratic Rivalries (Kissinger vs. Rogers, Nixon’s conspiracy theories)

3. New Threats (terrorism; Jordan)

II. The 1973 War and Its Effects

1. Nixon and Sadat (Egypt and creation of anti-Israel alliance—importance of Iraq and Libya, resumption of relations with Syria, squeezing Jordan; Sadat and the Soviets; Sadat and Nixon—role of realpolitik: adversaries or allies?; missed opportunity?)

2. War & Consequences (Israeli intelligence failure; legacy of preemption; Egyptian and Syrian advances; failure of mediation and US decision to airlift; Brezhnev role—testing limitations of détente?; Kissinger, Nixon, and constitutional crisis—nuclear mobilization; reversal of fortunes; path to cease-fire)

3. Postwar Arab Diplomacy (origins of OPEC diplomacy and transformation of Middle East—importance of Saudi Arabia, strains in European alliance; US decisionmaking structure and renewed questions about Nixon; Cold War framework: Zionism-as-racism resolution)

III. Crisis Points

1. The Eagleton Amendment and Its Effects (colonels’ regime, coup, and Turkish invasion; Congress—new internationalists: arms sales issue: Symington and Pakistan, Nelson-Bingham amendment, Middle East as venue; Greek lobby—importance of Sarbanes and Brademas, imitating Israeli lobby; path to Eagleton amendment; reaction—Kissinger, Turkey and US bases, congressional retreat; legacy: erratic congressional role, discrediting new internationalists?, significance of Turkey)

2. Carter and the Middle East Peace Process (Sadat and realpolitik; Meir, Rabin, and collapse of Labor; Begin victory; Carter and foreign policy—1976 campaign, odd arrangement—Vance, Brzezinski, Derian; nature of settlement; limited political benefits)

3. The Iranian Revolution (Carter and the Shah; Derian and foreign aid; weakening of Shah; US intelligence failure—trapped in the 1950s?; death of regime; second oil shock; from Bani-Sadr to Khomeini; hostages and American popular culture; “rescue mission” and resignation of Vance; crisis and its effects)

4. The Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan (Afghanistan and the great game; deposition Zahir Shah and beginning of instability; Islam and Communism; Brezhnev Doctrine and assassination of Amin; Karmal presidency and invasion; origins of mujahadin)

/BBC

March 24 Notes

2008-03-23T19:57:00.001+02:00

U.S. and the Middle East

Middle East Realpolitik

March 24, 2008

I. LBJ and the Middle East

1. LBJ and Foreign Policy (domestic concerns; bureaucratic approach; view of Israel)

2. Background to 1967 War (U.S. arms sales; rising tensions between Israel and neighbors; growing Soviet role; LBJ and the Middle East)

3. The Conflict (Jordanian decision to intervene and balance of power; U.S. response)

II. From LBJ to Nixon

1. Aftermath of War (increased Soviet presence; land for peace and UN 242; French reversal; U.S. policy: Israel and sale of Phantoms; maintaining regional allies: oil diplomacy, significance of military aid—Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Libya, Iran; tensions with Egypt, Syria, and Iraq; European influence—Lebanon, Gulf region)

2. Nixon (Nixon background: political decline, refashioning himself as foreign policy expert, transition from anti-communist extremist to elder statesmen, Six Crises and overall approach; Nixon, Kissinger, and transforming international affairs: Vietnamization—from “peace with honor” to a “decent interval”; opening to China and triumph of realpolitik; détente and Soviet Union—path to SALT I; difficulties with Congress)

III. A Realigned Middle East

1. Realigning U.S. Middle Eastern Policy (search for new anchors—Iran: role of Shah, strategic concerns, relationship with Israel, preference for authoritarianism; Pakistan: background, Pakistan-PRC-United States triangle, Nixon and India, long-term effects)

2. Early Regional Initiatives (Kissinger/Rogers tensions and State/NSC relationship; Nixon paranoia and establishment of secret government; Rogers and Jordan; United States, Israel, and 1970 Jordanian crisis; Nixon and Israel; Nixon, Vietnam, and American Jews)

3. Terrorism (emergence of terrorism: European far left—aftermath of 1968, Red Army Fraction and West Germany, anti-semitism and European terrorism; alliance between European and Palestinian terror groups; internal Palestinian battles; Munich massacre; U.S. approach)

4. The 1973 War (Egypt and creation of anti-Israel alliance—importance of Iraq and Libya, resumption of relations with Syria, squeezing Jordan; Sadat and the Soviets; outbreak of war and Israeli intelligence failure; legacy of preemption; Egyptian and Syrian advances; failure of mediation and US decision to airlift; Brezhnev role—testing limitations of détente?; Kissinger, Nixon, and constitutional crisis—nuclear mobilization; reversal of fortunes; path to cease-fire)

March 24 Reading

2008-03-21T14:31:00.000+02:00

Nixon documents, relating to the 1973 war:

Memorandum of Conversation [Memcon] between Muhammad Hafez Ismail and Henry Kissinger, 20 May 1973
Henry Kissinger, Memorandum for the President's Files, "President's Meeting with General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev on Saturday, June 23, 1973"
Brezhnev to Nixon, 24 October 1973
Nixon to Brezhnev, 25 October 1973
Memcon, "Meeting with Oil Company Executives," 5:30 p.m., 26 October 1973
Kissinger memorandum for the President's File, "Meeting with Soviet Ambassador Anatoliy F. Dobrynin on Tuesday, October 30, 1973"
Memcon between Meir, Nixon, and Kissinger, 1 November 1973

LBJ--New Tapes

2008-03-21T08:07:00.000+02:00

At another point in their call, Eisenhower turned back to events of his administration, urging the President to revive the Johnston Plan. (The President seemed more interested in eating.)

But Kosygin wasn’t interested—while Eisenhower and Johnson shared a bit of triumphalism about the current situation in the Middle East (we heard the second part of this clip in class).

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Dwight Eisenhower: As I study this problem, there’s two in the Mideast—two problems—that have got to be settled before there’s ever going to be any, even a modus operandi there in the Mideast. One of them is water, and the other one is these refugees.

Now, they can be tied up, it seems to me, if we could set up a scheme of a corporation, a world corporation, something like they started out with the Suez Canal, or this atomic thing in Vienna [IAEA].

Suppose our government bought 51 percent of the stock, and then we built, in succession, three great big salt purification plants along there in the Levant, the eastern Mediterranean. And to sell the stock to bankers all around the world, and so on. Make the water problem there—I mean, a water solution—make it so attractive that both sides would be almost compelled by their people to take it. [The President chomps on his food.]

For example, I’ve been talking to some of these AEC people—scientists, scientific people—they say that without too expensive a thing, you could put 500 million, or up to a billion, gallons a day, and water much of Israel, Jordan, Egypt east of the Suez, and some of Syria, probably.

Well, now—you see, we had that old Jordan River thing [the Johnston Plan] that you could do something—

President Johnson: I broached that to him this afternoon.

Eisenhower: Did you?

President Johnson: I didn’t get any comment. I told him that our people had talked to me about it just before the meeting.

Eisenhower: Yeah.

President Johnson: He said, “Well, I just want to say this. I don’t think we can talk about anything else until you get the troops withdrawn.” He said, “We’re referees in a fight, and you’ve got to get your man by the nape of the neck, and I got to get our man by the nape of the neck, and you’ve got to separate them and put them back in their corner.” [Eisenhower chuckles.] He said, “Then we can talk about other things.”

Eisenhower: Oh, well, about their man, though—they have to pick him up and revive him. [Both laugh.] That’s the difference.

President Johnson: Well . . .

Lyndon Johnson was a President unusually sensitive to the domestic impact of his foreign policy decisions.

So it came as little surprise that the President was concerned with how Middle Eastern affairs played on the domestic front. In this clip from the Dirksen call, Johnson complained about how American Jews such as Goldberg and New York senator Jacob Javits were poor representatives for the Israeli cause.

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Everett Dirksen: They read me a long cable tonight, that covered that [Saudi King] Faisal meeting.

President Johnson: Well, I have that. We got that in our intelligence. It was very good. His people told it to us, too. And the Kuwaits [sic] have been pretty good.

Dirksen: Yeah. So they have.

President Johnson: The Arabs cannot unify behind anything ever except the Jews.

Dirksen: Well, now—

President Johnson: And if the goddamn Jews had behaved, and be quiet, and let you talk for them or let [Majority Leader Mike] Mansfield talk for them, or let somebody else—instead of Goldberg and [New York senator Jacob] Javits and all them . . .

That just sets them afire when they get up—

Dirksen: Yeah.

President Johnson: They just get afire.

Dirksen: By the way, you didn’t forget to tell [Undersecretary of State] Nick [Katzenbach] to get on Jack [unclear], did you?

President Johnson: I told Nick to come talk to you, and get your judgments on it. He’s not for the resolution.

Dirksen: No.

President Johnson: He thinks we oughtn’t to have any resolution.

Dirksen: Yeah. Well, Jack [Javits] was working like a goddamn eager beaver, you know.

President Johnson: Well, he wants to, and I can understand his concern. I’d be worried if it was Texans. But it’s not wise. That’s not the best thing,

Dirksen: Yeah.

President Johnson: Because somebody else . . . You know, it’s a man that’s a fool that is his own lawyer.

Dirksen: Yeah. But the hell of it is you can’t talk him out of it when he gets these ideas. And then he just scours that goddamn [Senate] floor.

President Johnson: Yeah.

Dirksen: Saying, “Will you join with me in this resolution?”

1963 Tapes--Extras

2008-03-21T06:25:00.000+02:00

With National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy and Ass't Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Robert Strong, President Kennedy discusses (April 1963) the possibility of a U.S. territorial guarantee to Israel. Bundy concludes the conversation on a pessimistic note.

In the aftermath of a Syrian-Egyptian overture to Jordan's King Hussein, President Kennedy asks his advisors about the value of U.S. aid to Nasser.

In spring 1963, concerned about rumors of a coup against King Hussein in Jordan, Kennedy and his advisors discuss the need for European backing of a status quo solution in the region. (David Ormsby-Gore was the British ambassador to the U.S., and an old Kennedy friend.)

Another spring 1963 conversation between Kennedy and his aides, with the President worrying that U.S. economic aid to Nasser might provide Israel with an excuse for a preemptive strike against Nasser.

March 19 Notes

2008-03-18T21:41:00.002+02:00

U.S. and the Middle East

LBJ and Israel

March 19, 2008

I. Kennedy and the Middle East

1. Democracy and Development (Iran as case study: tension between democracy and anti-communism; from land reform to White Revolution; turn toward Israel)

2. Nuclear Diplomacy (decision for Jupiters; Khrushchev and missile crisis diplomacy; Dimona and NPT)

3. The Foreign Aid Revolt (postwar constitutional transformations; left-right coalitions; significance of policy riders)

II. LBJ and the World

1. The Transition from Kennedy (establishing an image: healer after tragedy, legislative tactician, commitment to civil rights; recalibrating advisors: increased prominence of Rusk, McNamara, Bundy; foreign policy through a domestic prism: 1964 election, Panama and Cuba affairs, Lodge, Vietnam, and Tonkin Gulf Resolution, Goldwater challenge and nuclear issue; ouster of Khrushchev and long-term effects)

2. Interest in the Middle East (LBJ and vision of Israel; U.S. and brokering of tank deal; Jordan crisis—UAC, weakness of King Hussein, fear of Soviet influence, Israeli and W. German political divisions; joint arms sales and road to Skyhawks)

III. The United States and the Six Day War

1. Johnson’s Dilemmas (Great Society and Americanization of Vietnam War—“guns and butter” approach; urban unrest and political realignment—1966 elections; liberal revolt—Fulbright Hearings; Church, Symington, and military aid, role of RFK)

2. War and American Diplomacy (Nasser diplomacy and impact of Soviets; State Department, pressures on Eshkol government, and question of preemption; Eshkol domestic weaknesses; start of war and LBJ response; three-front victory and international pressure; Liberty and Israeli-American relations)

3. Aftermath (role of UN: Cold War tensions, U.S. and the Occupied Territories, Third World effects, path to 242; international realignments—France, Soviet Union; Israeli-U.S. strategic partnership—LBJ and Goldberg, 1968 Phantom sale)

March 17 Notes

2008-03-18T21:41:00.001+02:00

U.S. and the Middle East

Kennedy and the Middle East

March 17, 2008

I. Dual Containment

1. Eisenhower and Nasser (Aswan Dam; Nasser’s turn east; US and the Suez intervention)

2. Containing Nasser (Syria and covert ops; significance of Iraq and Pakistan; collapse of Baghdad Pact)

3. The Fringes: Algeria (FLN and launching of war; US response; domestic pressure; end of war)

II. Kennedy and the Middle East
1. Democracy and Development (Iran as case study: 1950s legacy—martial law, rigged elections, growing popular discontent; Kennedy and the Third World: counterinsurgency, promotion of democracy—Latin America, Vietnam; Iran as model for Middle East?: developmental aid, democratic surge; Shah’s response—military aid, heighten fear of communism, growth of SAVAK; turning point: US and Amini government—withdrawal of support, road to “White Revolution”)

2. The Turn toward Israel (DDE legacy and improving relations late 1950s?; JFK: Israel as model?—Kennedy and developmentalism; politics—Democratic coalition; Nasser and Cold War concerns—significance of Yemen intervention and Jordan crisis; decision to sell Hawk missiles; limitations: question of refugees)

3. Nuclear Diplomacy (Turkey: Jupiters and the Eisenhower legacy; Kennedy and reconsideration; Turkish resistance; Khrushchev, Castro, and origins of Cuban Missile Crisis; Turkey and Jupiters; ramifications; Kennedy and nonproliferation; tensions over Dimona; Ben Gurion, Eshkol, and inspection)

4. The Foreign Aid Revolt (postwar constitutional transformations; expansion of foreign aid and origins of policy riders—Hickenlooper amendment; left-right coalition and significance of Passman in House, “dissenting liberals” in Senate; 1963 bill; Gruening-Keating amendment and foreign aid to aggressor states; LBJ inability to shape outcome)

	Total	Military aid	Economic aid	Food for Peace
1954	$74.7M	0	$54M	$20.7M
1955	52.7M	0	41.5M	11.2M
1956	50.8M	0	24M	26.8M
1957	40.9M	0	26.8M	14.1M
1958	61.2M	0	24M	37.2M
1959	50.3M	$.4M	19.2M	30.7M
1960	55.7M	.5M	23.9M	31.3M
1961	45.1M	0	24.5M	23.6M
1962	83.9M	13.2M	45.4M	25.3M
1963	76.7M	13.3M	45M	18.4M

March 17 Reading: Nuclear Issues

2008-03-11T19:38:00.002+02:00

Avner Cohen, “Israel and the Origins of U.S. Nonproliferation Policy: The Crucial Decade, 1958-1968,” The Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 1988, pp. 1-19.

Documents:

March 12 Notes

2008-03-11T19:37:00.000+02:00

U.S. and the Middle East

Dual Containment

March 12, 2008

I. Cold War Comes to the Middle East

1. Closing Out Truman (difficulties of the MEC; effects of NSC-68; Israel & the Cold War: confluence of domestic politics and international realities; path to NSC 47/2)

2. The New Look (NSC 162/2: role of economy, massive retaliation, covert operations)

3. Transforming the Middle East (Iranian coup; water diplomacy and collapse of Johnston Plan)

II. The Road to Suez

1. Nasser’s Egypt (U.S. background with Nasser; United States and Anglo-Egyptian base settlement; aid and Israel; limitations—necessities of Anglo-Am alliance; effect of base settlement—rise of pan-Arab rhetoric, tensions with Israel; Nasser’s turn east—Bandung, Czech arms deal)

2. Containing Nasser (Syria: internal instability and CIA involvement; NSC 5412; Eisenhower and Malki regime; assassination and anti-American surge—rise of Ba’athists; creation of Baghdad Pact—significance of Iraq, pulling Pakistan in; question of Jordanian membership; U.S. outside support)

3. Suez (the Aswan Dam debate; origins of Project OMEGA; creation of anti-Nasser alliance: Eden and Munich analogy, France and Algerian war, Israel and French weapons supply; keeping Eisenhower in dark; Hungarian uprising—Secret Speech, rollback rhetoric, Soviet intervention, Nagy death; invasion launched and DDE response; withdrawal, Eden resignation, and UN settlement)

III. Beyond Suez

1. Syria (Operation STRAGGLE to Operation WAPPEN; creation of U.A.R. 1958; U.S. assistance in creation of SAVAK)

2. Collapse (DDE and congressional power: Formosa Doctrine as precedent; debate over Eisenhower Doctrine—constitutional questions, Democratic divisions; implementation: Qassem coup in Iraq; powers’ response—Britain to Jordan, U.S. to Lebanon; rise and fall of Chamoun; Israel: DDE vision, moderate public support, Douglas amendment and congressional role)

3. The Fringes (Algeria: French postwar position and political culture—limitations of 4^th Republic, outbreak of revolt and FLN, role of international public opinion, alternative to Cold War?, Kennedy speech and American anti-colonial traditions, DDE difficulties; Turkey: Eisenhower and nuclear weapons, decision to build Jupiters: US-British tensions, domestic pressures, limits of DDE theories; effects of Sputnik and offer to all NATO; who will take?: limitations of Greece, Italy, West Germany; decision to station in Turkey; ramifications)

March 10 Notes

2008-03-09T21:19:00.001+02:00

U.S. and the Middle East

The Effects of the Cold War

March 10, 2008

I. Origins of Cold War

1. Turkey & Iran (Soviet pressures—Azerbaijan, straits, northeast, Kurdistan; path to Truman Doctrine)

2. North Africa (wartime legacy, fate of Libya, Arab League)

3. Truman and Israel (stalling policy and hopes for UN peace process; decision to recognize)

II. Grand Strategies

1. Middle East after Korea (Northern Tier vs. Middle East: one region or two?; reaching out to Turkey; Shah and oil contracts; Egpyt’s strategic significance; Korean War and NSC-68, Turkey and collective security; contrasting views of security—United States, Britain, Egpyt, Turkey; Turkey to NATO, collapse of MEC and JCS stress on unilateral military activities)

2. Israel & the Cold War (post-recognition Israel and the world; “nation in arms,” border skirmishes, and arms sales: initial neutrality—significance of Britain, then France, role of Czechoslovakia; Israel and EE dictatorships: Romania, Stalin and Eastern Europe; battle against “cosmopolitanism”: Hungarian purgesàSlánský/Clementis show trials in Czechoslovakia; differing approaches FRG and DDR: Reparations Agreement in FRG, fall of Merker faction in DDR; China and diplomatic disarray; limits of U.S. support—limits to economic aid, path to NSC 47/2)

III. Eisenhower’s Effects

1. The New Look (rollback, McCarthyism, and the 1952 campaign—Republican coalition; NSC 162/2; role of economy; realism and end of Korean War; massive retaliation and Dulles; covert operations; role of Congress and McCarthyism; East Asian diplomacy and significance of Formosa Doctrine; where does Middle East fit in?)

2. Transforming the Middle East (Mussadiq, the Shah, and the 1953 coup; short- and long-term effects)

3. Water Diplomacy (Eisenhower and Israel: minimal economic aid, refusal of military assistance; Dulles and obstacles to peace: anti-Israel vision of regional security; Israel and water—Ben Gurion vision of Negev, decision to divert Jordan R. at Gesher B’not Ya’akov; UN response and threatened U.S. economic sanctions; economic development as alternative to Cold War?: Eric Johnston and TVA concept for Jordan Valley; Arab League rejection of Johnson Plan; Egypt: background with Nasser; desire for military aid; Nasser’s turn east—Bandung, Czech arms deal; US, Nasser, and Aswan Dam)

	1950	1951	1952
Defense budget	$13.3B	$60.4B	$44B
Army	591,000	1.55M	1.595M
Navy	451,000	1.01M	1.05M
Air Force	411,000	1.06M	973,000

Iran Coup: Documents

2008-03-08T11:46:00.002+02:00

"Lessons" learned by US policymakers from the coup

US-UK oil diplomacy after the coup

March 5 Notes

2008-03-06T17:05:00.001+02:00

U.S. and the Middle East

The Cold War Comes to the Middle East

March 5, 2008

I. World War II

1. Northern Tier (Turkish strategic neutrality; Iran and path to Anglo-Soviet invasion)

2. North Africa (significance of Italy; FDR strategic vision and Operation TORCD; Darlan Deal)

3. Middle East (FDR and Jewish refugees; role of Grand Mufti; formalizing U.S.-Saudi alliance)

II. Setting the Stage

1. The World the War Created (Europe: devastation Germany and Italy; Red Army Liberation EE; French and British economic devastation; East Asia: pressure for decolonization—SE Asia, Vietnam, Indonesia, India; Chinese Civil War; Latin America—redeem wartime promises?; nuclear weapons; Middle East—Northern Tier, Palestine question)

2. Harry Truman and Foreign Policy (Truman reliance on State Department and contrast from FDR; importance of Kennan—Long Telegram and interpretation of Soviet behavior; role of European allies—ties among official classes; pulling US in—Churchill and Iron Curtain speech, Monnet and EC, Adenauer and German politics; crisis atmosphere: diplomatic stalemate, Soviet espionage, Wallace attack on HST, midterm elections and their effect; role of Congress: Democratic divisions and importance of Republicans; Vandenberg, Smith, HC Lodge—provide ideological justification; role of official class—Lovett, McCloy, Harriman, etc.; military)

III. The Middle East Role

1. Iran (wartime divisions and Soviet promises; contradictory Soviet goals: Azerbaijan and Kurdish separatist movements, Tudeh coup?, desire for oil; Shah/Ahmad Qavam rivalry; US hesitation—significance of Long Telegram; appeals to UN; Soviet withdrawal and increased tensions)

2. Turkey (World War II legacy; Soviet pressures—straits, northeast, Kurdistan; US military reaction; Greek civil war and US dilemmas; Missouri to Instanbul; Truman and Congress; path to Truman Doctrine—100K mil aid; effects amidst increased tensions—Czech coup, Berlin airlift, collapse of KMT; structural changes: National Security Act—creation of Department of Defense, Joint Chiefs of Staff, CIA, NSC; establishment of national security state; contrasting visions of American role in world affairs)

3. North Africa (wartime legacy: British-American tensions, FDR, and question of imperialism; Egypt and US open door philosophy; fate of Libya—British desire for Cyrenaica, Soviet demand for joint trusteeship with Italy, US opposition to both; idea of Libyan independence as alternative—British support from Arab League, compromises on Somalia; independence)

4. Israel (FDR’s record: refugees, opposition to congressional action; postwar shift in opinion—Truman, congressional pressure, displaced persons (500,000); British recalcitrance; partition proposal; pressures on Truman—Congress, American Jews, State Department Arabists, military, fear of being outflanked by Soviets; stalling policy—supporting partition, arms embargo, trustee?; decision to recognize; limitations of move; Israeli foreign policy and Cold War)

Israel Recognition: Documents

2008-03-04T13:57:00.004+02:00

Memo from Frank P. Corrigan, summary of Palestine Problem (2 pages) Printer Friendly Version (PDF)

Draft of "The Position of the United States with Respect to Palestine", February 17, 1948 (14 pages) Printer Friendly Version (PDF)

Memo supporting a Statement by Truman recognizing Israel, May 9, 1948 (8 pages) Printer Friendly Version (PDF)

George Marshall to Harry S. Truman, August 16, 1948 (3 pages) Printer Friendly Version (PDF)

Telegrams between Robert Lovett, George Marshall, and Harry S. Truman, September 1948 (6 pages) Printer Friendly Version (PDF)

George Marshall to Harry S. Truman, September 8, 1948 (3 pages) Printer Friendly Version (PDF)

March 3 Notes

2008-03-03T19:15:00.001+02:00

U.S. and the Middle East

World War II in the Middle East and North Africa

March 3, 2008

I. Aftermath of War

1. The Rise & Fall of the Sèvres System (Wilson’s political and personal collapse; treaty and Turkish reaction; Lausanne and quiet US support for Turks)

2. The Origins of Oil Diplomacy (Iraq, Red Line Agreement, and BFDC; development of Western cartel?)

3. Beyond the Red Line Agreement (emergence of Saudi Arabia: Ibn Saud and postwar world; Standard Oil, ARAMCO, and origins of US-Saudi alliance)

II. Road to World War II

1. Origins of War (flashpoints: Iraq, Iran, Egypt, Palestine, Turkey; Hitler and the Middle East—strategic: opening to Iraq, interest in Egypt; racial—Grand Mufti, Jewish/Arab tensions; British retreat from Balfour Declaration; Turkish neutrality; significance of Iran)

2. US and the Run-up to War (FDR strategic vision; domestic non-interventionism—isolationists, labor and immigration; strategic realities—“quarantine” speech, Welles mission, hostility of Chamberlain and negotiation of Munich agreement; the US and the Jewish question: USOC and Nazi Olympics, Jewish refugees—Morganthau, Ickes, and Eleanor Roosevelt vs. labor, State Department, FDR search for compromise—Alaska solution?, Dominican Republic idea; suspicion of Jewish leaders)

3. The Start of World War II (Nazi-Soviet Pact and invasion of Poland; fall of France and rise of Churchill; Italian entrance into war; Mussolini vision of new Roman Empire—Ethiopian, Albanian, Greek campaigns: pulling Germany into Balkans)

III. Effects on Middle East and North Africa

1. Northern Tier (Turkey: memories of WWI; from Ataturk to Inönü; alliance with Britain/Franc, non-aggression pact with Nazis—playing both sides; Inönü strategic calculations, Turkish strategic benefits, severing relations with Germany; minorities: economic pressures, Turkey and Holocaust; Iran: prewar flirtations with Nazis, path to Anglo-Soviet invasion—abdication of Reza Shah, signing of Tripartite Treaty, origins of U.S. involvement, Teheran and route to postwar problems)

2. North Africa (Italy and Britain, Libya and Greece; transfer of Rommel; US Entrance: FDR strategic vision; FDR and domestic politics; Churchill and Balkans, Stalin and Second Front, decision for North African campaign; Darlan Deal and complications of Vichy diplomacy; Britain and El Alemain; Operation TORCH and pincer campaign, Rommel defeat, fall of Tunisia—German POWs)

3. Middle East (Arab uprising and role of Grand Mufti; exile to Iraq, coup, and British invasion; Balkan campaigns and alliance with Hitler; creation of Lebanon; formalizing U.S.-Saudi alliance)

Feb. 27 Notes

2008-02-27T09:01:00.001+02:00

U.S. and the Middle East

The Interwar Era

27 February 2008

I. The United States, the Middle East, and World War I

1. Nature of War (Turkish war aims, Gallipoli campaign, Armenian genocide)

2. The United States and the Armenian Genocide (Wilson concerns, role of Morgenthau)

3. Wilson, the Middle East, and the War (Ottoman Empire in 14 Points; Zionist movement; Wilsonian rhetoric—ideals and reality: Egypt, Armenia, mandates)

II. Aftermath of War

1. The Rise & Fall of the Sèvres System (Wilson’s political and personal collapse—Versailles debate, “Swing around the circle,” stroke and incapacitation; path to Sèvres: tension between self-determination and aggrandizement, Greek and Italian demands; treaty and Turkish reaction—Armenian and Greek wars, role of Ataturk, reaching out to USSR; Lausanne and quiet US support for Turks—population exchanges, fates of Kurds and Armenians; long-term effects)

2. The Origins of Oil Diplomacy (strategic effects of World War I: tanks and planes; Iraq and development of Red Line Agreement—Hoover and BFDC: oil access as part of international agenda; British reaction—strategic realities and imperial pretensions, development of Western cartel?)

3. Beyond the Red Line Agreement (exclusion of Iran, emergence of Saudi Arabia: Ibn Saud and postwar world; isolationism and 1920s approach; significance of Depression; reaching out to US; Standard Oil, ARAMCO, and origins of US-Saudi alliance)

III. Road to World War II

3. Middle East and Start of World War II (Nazi-Soviet Pact and invasion of Poland; fall of France and rise of Churchill; Italian entrance into war; Mussolini vision of new Roman Empire—Ethiopian, Albanian, Greek campaigns—pulling Germany into Balkans)

Feb. 27 Documents

2008-02-25T16:38:00.003+02:00

State Department and wartime refugees

State Department on the Red Line agreement

Treasury Department report condemning US foreign policy toward Jews in occupied Europe

Feb. 25 Handout

2008-02-24T22:21:00.001+02:00

U.S. and the Middle East

World War I

25 February 2008

I. 18^th and 19^th Century Contacts

1. Strategic Uncertainties (foundations of US foreign policy; the Barbary Wars and their effects; Greece, Turkey, and the origins of Monroe Doctrine)

2. Commercial and Cultural Contacts (US approach to the world—commercial treaties, missionaries, Northeastern-centered)

3. The international Transformation of the Middle East (U.S. withdrawal; path to World War I and Ottoman decline, Balkan Wars)

II. World War I

1. Middle East and the Grand Strategy of War (historiographical interpretations of war; alliance system and conflict; mindsets of Great Powers; “use-it-or-lose-it” concept; diplomatic incompetence; Great Power interest in Middle East: Britain and run-up to Fashoda, importance of Egypt, division of North Africa; Kaiser and Berlin-to-Baghdad railroad, envisioning protectorate?; role of the Balkans in World War I—Serbia/Montenegro front, Greek entrance and role of British, Romanian collapse, continuing power vacuum)

2. The Turks and World War I (development of Turkish-German rapprochement; Turkish decision for war and domestic politics; Turkish war aims; Russia, the Czar, and appeals to Armeniaàpath to Sarikamiş; Churchill, Britain, and the Middle East: strategic questions—maintain integrity of OE?, role of the Hejaz; fateful decisions: Gallipoli, significance of Lord Kirchener, backing Emir Hussein; Young Turks and Armenian genocide)

3. The United States and the Armenian Genocide (international reaction: Turkish fears, German recalcitrance; Allied declaration of “crimes against humanity”; Wilson concerns—international law, fate of American missionaries and religious colleges, role of Lansing; significance of Robert Morgenthau response—“a campaign of race extermination is in progress”; New York Times and American press; collapse of relationship)

4. Wilson, the Middle East, and the War (fate of Turkey: Ottoman Empire in 14 Points; road to Balfour Declaration: Sykes-Picot and British-French diplomacy; significance of Lloyd George: Suez and British strategic desires, expansion from Iraq as war aim to Iraq and Palestine; nationalism and general Allied policy; US response to Balfour Declaration—weakness of movement, importance of Brandeis, Wilson and self-determination)

5. The League and the Middle East (Wilsonian rhetoric—ideals and reality: Egypt, Armenia, naïveté of Inquiry; origins of the mandate system; L-G initially tries to play off US against French, Greeks, Italians; idea of Armenian mandate, Senate and peace progressives)

Group Meeting Times

2008-02-21T12:30:00.001+02:00

Iran group: Wednesday, 2pm

Group Memberships

2008-02-20T16:58:00.002+02:00

Syria/Lebanon (May 19)

Daniel Greenberg

Celia Zeilberger

Yael Marwati

Tamar Yechezkell

Shoshana Kedem

Saudi Arabia & the Gulf States (May 21)

Michael Khasin

Frank Znaty

Dennis Mitzner

Yoan Smadja

Samantha Hendel

Israel & the Palestinian Territories (May 26)

Ben Moscovitch

Jeremy Brown

Josh Goodman

Eli Sperling

Liran Goldman

Afghanistan/Pakistan (May 28)

Jesse Sneddon

Leah Salloway

Natalie Knazik

Adi Pincovici

Egypt & North Africa (June 2)

Irena Fliter

Lukas Brenowitz

Jennifer Perry

Sarah Marois

Iran (June 4)

Joe Costa

Ariel Solomon

Karyn Leffel

Drew Banks

Feb. 20 Handout

2008-02-20T16:57:00.000+02:00

18^th and 19^th Century Contacts

20 February 2008

I. Strategic Uncertainty

1. The United States, the Middle East, and the 18^th Century World (Euroecentric world: France and Britain as superpowers; US independence and importance of international assistance, U.S. and Western Hemisphere—race, religion, economic ties, intellectual exchange; Ottoman Empire and “imperial overstretch”: European difficulties, Russian and Austrian rivalries; Napoleonic wars and Egypt, difficulties with North Africa)

2. The Barbary Wars (independence, the Treaty of Paris, and post-independence trade disruptions; strategic weaknesses of Articles government; early debates and anti-militarist attitudes; the First Party system and the Navy; diplomatic incompetence; tensions with Tripoli and Tunis; Jefferson and tension between realism/idealism; Jefferson and presidential power; nature of war and aftermath; growth of British power in the Mediterranean)

II. U.S. Expansion

1. Commerce and the Levant (commerce and the Northeastern economy; role of East Asia; United States as counterpoint to Britain; interest in Turkey Persia, Egypt; limited nature overall commerce)

2. The United States Encounters the Ottoman Empire (image of the infidel; origins of Greek revolt; American sympathy and sectional divisions; J.Q. Adams, presidential ambitions, and origins of Monroe Doctrine; Turkish strategic needs; road to commercial treaty; signing of 1830 treaty and secret codicil; Persian treaty)

3. Missionaries (the Ottomans and religious minorities; creation of ABFM; fundraising and the Second Great Awakening; American interest in the Holy Land, Smyrna, Beirut; beyond religion: printing press, education; emergence of Armenia; gradual expansion; other forms of cultural influence: Kossuth and Americanism)

III. U.S. Withdrawal

1. Civil War and U.S. Foreign Policy (sectional divisions and constitutional debates; emergence of Congress and turn inwards; termination of Mediterranean Fleet; U.S. irrelevancy and European imperialism; United States and Armenia—decline of the missionary impulse, Chinese temptation)

2. The Path to World War I (Congress of Berlin and redefining Balkan boundaries; Algeciras and looming British-French-German battles; Ottoman crisis—1908 Young Turks, Bosnian annexation; First and Second Balkan Wars and decline of Turkish power; expanding British presence)

Year	1865	1875	1890	1900
US exports/OE	$614,187	4,224,918	4,624,818	7,743,676
US imports/OE	$326,958	579,947	129,833	573,012

Introduction

2008-02-18T20:27:00.001+02:00

Introduction

18 February 2008

Office: Rosenberg 108

M: 1-2; W 1-3; or by appointment

kcjohnson9@gmail.com

I. Course Structure

1. Requirements

2. Structure

II. Time Periods

1. Through World War II: 1783-1945

(US and a Revolutionary World; initial contacts: strategic, economic, cultural; 19^th century contacts and US retreat; World War I and Wilsonianism—self-determination, origins of mandate system, role of League of Nations, transformation US economic policy; World War II—US and Jewish refugees, strategic concerns and North African campaign; the Big Three and battles over postwar colonialism)

2. Aftermath of War: 1945-1960

(Middle East and postwar world—British, US, Soviet desires; tensions in the Northern Tier—Iranian crisis, Britain and Turkey, origins of Truman Doctrine; Truman and the recognition of Israel—moral concerns, political concerns, strategic concerns; from Truman to Eisenhower: covert operations and Iranian coup; oil diplomacy and Eisenhower Doctrine; US and Algerian civil war)

3. Transition Years: 1960-1973

(Kennedy and redefining the Israeli alliance, Dimona and nuclear diplomacy; LBJ: domestic and international constraints, role of Vietnam, US and Six Days’ War; Nixon & Kissinger: realpolitik and redefining the Cold War, limits of the imperial presidency, the US and the 1973 war, the origins of OPEC)

4. Realignments: 1974-1989

(congressional power, the Eagleton amendment, and strains on the Turkish alliance; Carter and foreign arms sales; Camp David and Carter successes; Iran and Carter failures; Reagan: balancing Saudi Arabia and Israel, Charlie Wilson and origins of US involvement in Afghanistan, Iran-Iraq war, Lebanon fiasco, origins of Iran-contra affair)

5. Beyond the Cold War: 1990-present

(Saddam and the invasion of Kuwait; Bush I, the Saudi alliance, and the First Gulf War; end of war and a missed opportunity?; Bosnia and limits of Bush vision; Clinton and Arab/Israeli peace process; Clinton and bin Laden—international difficulties, domestic constraints; terrorism as law enforcement or foreign policy issue?; Bush years—Afghanistan and Iraq wars, Iranian tensions, strains with Turkey and Saudi Arabia)

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2008-01-28T11:34:00.000+02:00

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